A Reference Grammar of Russian - the-eye.eu

}. Stress can be either consistently on the root or consistently on the sufﬁx: {R : R} l†kfnm ‘do’, l†kfk, l†kf/, l†kftim; {F : F} ,hjcƒnm ‘throw’, ,hjcƒk, ,hjcƒ/, ,hjcƒtim. The passive participle has {-n-} added to the stem {CVC-a-}; stress is drawn off the {-a-} onto the previous syllable: hfp,hj´cfy ‘thrown around’, hfp,hj´cfyf, hfp,hj´cfyj, hfp,hj´cfyysq. A related type has the vowel {-e-} rather than {-a-} in the sufﬁx: {CVC-e- : CVCej-|e|}. This type, which makes verbs from adjectives, has the same two stress options: {R : R} euh÷vtnm ‘grow sad’, euh÷vtk, euh÷vt/, euh÷vttim; {F : F} gmzy†nm ‘become intoxicated’, gmzy†k, gmzy†/, gmzy†tim. These are mostly intransitive and do not form passives. An exception is ghtjljk†nm ‘overcome’, whose participle is ghtjljk=y, ghtjljktyƒ, ghtjljktyj´, ghtjljk=yysq, which shows the 9 passive formant {-on ⁄ -}. Another, productive, group of sufﬁxed e-Conjugation verbs has a stem {CVCova-} alternating with {CVC-uj-|e|-}. There are two stress options: root stress 9

The form and stress are innovative. Etymologically, the sufﬁxal vowel derives from ∗ˇe, which did not undergo the change of ∗ e > o (witness ghtjljk†k).

104 A Reference Grammar of Russian

Table 3.5 Representative conjugations: suffixed e-Conjugation

inf prs 1sg prs 2sg prs 3sg prs 1pl prs 2pl prs 3pl prs pcl prs dee imv 2sg imv 2pl pst msc pst fem pst nt pst pl pst pcl pst dee psv

{CVC-a-: CVC-aj-|e|}

{CVC-ova-: CVC-uj-|e|}

{CVC-a : CVCj -|e|}

{CVC-nu-: CVC-n-}

{CVC-a-: CVC-|e|}

{R : R }

{F : F }

{F : A}

{F : T }

l†kfnm l†kf/ l†kftim l†kftn l†kftv l†kftnt l†kf/n l†kf/obq l†kfz l†kfq l†kfqnt l†kfk l†kfkf l†kfkj l†kfkb l†kfdibq (c)l†kfd (c)l†kfy

rjkljdƒnm rjklé/ rjklétim rjklétn rjklétv rjklétnt rjklé/n rjklé/obq rjkléz rjkléq rjkléqnt rjkljdƒk rjkljdƒkf rjkljdƒkj rjkljdƒkb rjkljdƒdibq (pf)rjkljdƒd (pf)rjklj´dfy

gbcƒnm gbié g∫itim g∫itn g∫itv g∫itnt g∫ien g∫ieobq g∫if gbi∫ gbi∫nt gbcƒk gbcƒkf gbcƒkj gbcƒkb gbcƒdibq (j)gbcƒd (j)g∫cfy

nzyénm nzyé nz´ytim nz´ytn nz´ytv nz´ytnt nz´yen nz´yeobq [? nzyz´] nzy∫ nzy∫nt nzyék nzyékf nzyékj nzyékb nzyédibq (yf)nzyéd (yf)nz´yen

cjcƒnm cjcé cjc=im cjc=n cjc=v cjc=nt cjcén cjcéobq cjcz´ cjc∫ cjc∫nt cjcƒk cjcƒkf cjcƒkj cjcƒkb cjcƒdibq (j,)cjcƒd (j,)cj´cfy

‘do’

‘enchant’

‘write’

‘stretch’

‘suck’

{R : R}, as in nh†,jdfnm ‘demand’, nh†,jdfk, nh†,e/, nh†,etim, or consistent sufﬁxal stress {F : F}, as in rjkljdƒnm ‘enchant’, rjkljdƒk, rjklé/, rjklétim. The passive has {-n-}, with stress on the syllable before {-a-}: yfhbcjdƒnm ‘sketch’, yfhbcj´dfy, yfhbcj´dfyf, yfhbcj´dfyj, yfhbcj´dfyysq, similarly hfcwtkjdƒnm ‘kiss’. In the two remaining classes of sufﬁxal e-Conjugation, the sufﬁx is reduced in the present. The type {CVC-nu- : CVC-n-} is used productively to make semelfactive (=singular occasion) perfectives of verbs that report intrinsically cyclical processes. These verbs have two stress patterns: {R : R} (,hßpyenm ‘spurt’, ,hßpyek, ,hßpye, ,hßpytim) or {F : T} (njkryénm ‘shove’, njkryék, njkryé, njkry=im). Some {-nu-} verbs are not semelfactive. They allow a third stress pattern: {F : A} nzyénm ‘pull’, nzyé, nz´ytim. The passive participle for {-nu-} verbs is {-t}, which forces stress off the sufﬁx to the root: hfcnzyénm ‘stretch out’ (hfcnzyé, hfcnz´ytim), hfcnz´yenf, hfcnz´yenj, hfcnz´yensq; jnnjkryénm ‘shove away’ (jnnjkryé, jnnjkry=im), jnnj´kryenf, jnnj´kryenj, jnnj´kryensq. In the verbs in this class that are not semelfactive, the sufﬁx {-nu-} may be absent in some forms of the past-inﬁnitive system. The sufﬁx is expected by

Inflectional morphology 105

the purely consonantal endings of the inﬁnitive and the passive participle in {-t}: ljcn∫xm ∼ ljcn∫uyenm ‘reach’, ljcn∫uyen; jnd†huyenm ‘cast away’, jnd†huyen. ((J)cnßnm ‘grow cold’, however, by ending in a vowel, is more tolerant.) Active participles and the masculine singular past may lose the sufﬁx: pst pcl ljcn∫uibq ∼ ljcn∫uyedibq, jnd†huibq ∼ jnd†huyedibq; msc ljcn∫u, jnd†huyek. The other pasttense forms are most likely to lose {-nu-}: ljcn∫ukf, jnd†hukb. Simplex forms are more likely to keep {-nu-} than preﬁxed forms. For example, v=hpyenm ‘freeze’, has variation in two forms (v=hp ∼ v=hpyek, v=hpibq ∼ v=hpyedibq), while its preﬁxed derivatives consistently lack the sufﬁx {pf-, yf-, j,-, d-, gjl-, gtht-, bp-, ghb-, gj-, ghj-, c-, dß-}v=hp, v=hpibq. The development is towards increasing use of {-nu-} and regularizing this class of verbs. Occasionally the sufﬁx even appears in the feminine of simplex forms, the context that usually omits {-nu-}: k∫gyekf for usual k∫gkf.10 Another class of sufﬁxed e-Conjugation has a minimal sufﬁx {-a-} in the pastinﬁnitive and no sufﬁx in the present, while the consonant is modiﬁed and adopts the Cj grade: {CVC-a- : CVCj -|e|}. There are two stress options. One is consistent root stress {R : R}: gkƒrfnm ‘cry’, gkƒrfk, gkƒxe, gkƒxtim. The other is {F : A} -- sufﬁxal in the past-inﬁnitive and antethematic in the present: gbcƒnm ‘write’, gbcƒkf, gbié, g∫itim, implying yfg∫cfy. The past-inﬁnitive stem of this group {CVC-a- : CVCj -|e|} is {CVC-a-}, which is the same as the past-inﬁnitive of the productive group {CVC-a- : CVC-aj-|e|}. As a result, this type is being absorbed into the more productive group, at different rates depending on the ﬁnal consonant of the stem. The old pattern is preserved well when the stem ends in a dental. Only one of the thirty-four verbs ending in a dental (twenty-six in stop, eight in fricative) shows variation; vtnƒnm ‘throw’, vtnƒk, vtxé ∼ vtnƒ/.11 Of the twenty-four verbs ending in velar, sixteen show some variation, the innovative variant vf[ƒtn ‘wave’ (for vƒitn) being used in the 1960s survey by 17 percent of speakers born in the decade 1940--49 (but only 3% on www.lib.ru <15.IX.02>), ,hßpuftn ‘splash’ (for ,hßp;tn) by 32 percent for ,hßpufnm (18% on www.lib.ru). Of the eleven verbs ending in labials, eight use the innovative present in {CVP-aj-|e|}; the most advanced is rƒgfnm, which uses the new variant (rƒgftn ‘drip’ for rƒgktn) to the tune of 72 percent of speakers interviewed in the 1960s (82% on www.lib.ru). There is another very small group of verbs that has the same inﬁnitive shape {CVC-a-}, but in the present uses no sufﬁx and no consonant modiﬁcation: {CVCa- : CVC-|e|}. Because the thematic vowel is added directly to the root-ﬁnal consonant, the present of these verbs has an alternation of consonants in the present, 10 11

Il ina 1976. However, forms such as (ghb)kbgyek(f) are infrequent on the web. In the investigation from the 1960s reported in Krysin 1974.

106 A Reference Grammar of Russian

Table 3.6 Quasisuffixed e-Conjugation

inf prs 1sg prs 2sg prs 3sg prs 1pl prs 2pl prs 3pl prs pcl prs dee imv 2sg imv 2pl pst msc pst fem pst nt pst pl pst pcl pst dee psv

{CVJa- : CVJ-|e|}

{CCa- : CC-|e|}

{CCa- : CVC-|e|}

{F : T }

{M : T }

lfdƒnm lf÷ lf=im lf=n lf=v lf=nt lf÷n lf÷obq lfdƒz lfdƒq lfdƒqnt lfdƒk lfdƒkf lfdƒkj lfdƒkb lfdƒdibq [? lfdƒd] ---

rktdƒnm rk/÷ rk/=im rk/=n rk/=v rk/=nt rk/÷n rk/÷obq rk/z´ rk÷q rk÷qnt rktdƒk rktdƒkf rktdƒkj rktdƒkb rktdƒdibq (pf)rktdƒd (pf)rk=dfy

hdƒnm hdé hd=im hd=n hd=v hd=nt hdén hdéobq [? hdz´] hd∫ hd∫nt hdƒk hdfkƒ hdƒkj hdƒkb hdƒdibq (jnj)hdƒd (jnj´)hdfy

,hƒnm ,thé ,th=im ,th=n ,th=v ,th=nt ,thén ,théobq ,thz´ ,th∫ ,th∫nt ,hƒk ,hfkƒ ,hƒkj ,hƒkb ,hƒdibq (yf),hƒd (yƒ),hfy

hdƒnmcz hdécm hd=imcz hd=ncz hd=vcz hd=ntcm hdéncz hdéobqcz [? hdz´cm] hd∫cm hd∫ntcm hdƒkcz hdfkƒcm hdfkj´cm hdfk∫cm hdƒdibqcz (pf)hdƒdibcm ---

‘give’

‘peck’

‘tear’

‘take’

‘strain’

C0 grade (absence of palatalization) in the ﬁrst singular and third plural, Ci grade in the middle forms. Three stress patterns are found: {R : R} ;ƒ;lfnm ‘thirst for’, ;ƒ;lfk, ;ƒ;le, ;ƒ;ltim; {F : T } cjcƒnm ‘suck’, cjcƒk, cjcé, cjc=im; and {F : A} cnjyƒnm ‘moan’, cnjyƒk, cnjyé, cnj´ytim. In the passive participle, stress shifts back: j,cj´cfy ‘licked round’. A related subgroup is the small set of verbs in which the ﬁnal consonant of the root is [j], and the sufﬁx {-a-} disappears in the present; these verbs have root stress (c†znm ‘sow’) or thematic stress (cvtz´nmcz ‘laugh’, cvtz´kcz, cvt÷cm, cvt=imcz). Exceptionally, the imperative has no vowel: cv†qcz.

3.2.6 Conjugation classes: quasisuffixed E-Conjugation Some verbs of the e-Conjugation have the reﬂex of a sufﬁx {-a-} in the pastinﬁnitive. The root without this vowel is phonologically minimal. Lfdƒnm ‘give’ and jcnfdƒnmcz ‘remain’ have present-tense stems in [j] without [v], except in the imperative and participles. Another class is that of rktdƒnm

Inflectional morphology 107

‘peck’, rk/÷, rk/=im; rjdƒnm ‘forge’, re÷, re=im; gktdƒnm ‘spit’, gk/÷, gk/=im, in which additionally [v] alternates with [j]. Stress is on the second syllable in the past-inﬁnitive, thematic in the present ({F : F}). The passive has antethematic stress: (pf)rk=dfy. Although the ﬁrst singular present is stressed, the imperative lacks -∫: gk÷q, céq, ;éq, rk÷q, réq. In some other classes the past-inﬁnitive ends in {a}, but the preceding root is phonologically debilitated. The thematic ligature can be added directly to the cluster: ;lƒnm ‘wait’, ;lé, ;l=im, implying the formula {CCa- : CC-|e|-}. Like ;lƒnm are: hdƒnm ‘tear’, dhƒnm ‘lie’, ;hƒnm ‘devour’, chƒnm ‘defecate’, -ghƒnm ‘trample’, nrƒnm ‘weave’. In some verbs the cluster is broken up in the present tense by a vowel augment, as in ,hƒnm ‘take’, ,thé, ,th=im; lhƒnm ‘tear’, lthé, lth=im; pdƒnm ‘call’, pjdé, pjd=im, implying the formula {CCa- : CVC-|e|-}). In the present, stress always falls on the thematic vowel. In the past, stress is mobile: ;lƒnm ‘await’, ;lƒk, ;lfkƒ, ;lƒkb, ;lƒkj; ,hƒnm, ,hƒk, ,hfkƒ, ,hƒkb, ,hƒkj; hdƒnm, hdƒk, hdfkƒ, hdƒkb, hdƒkj; pdƒk, pdfkƒ, pdƒkb. When these verbs are made reﬂexive, stress becomes ﬁxed on the ending (except in the masculine singular): hdƒkcz, hdfkƒcm, hdfkj´cm, hdfk∫cm. But this end stress has begun to yield to stem stress in an informal register: hdfkj´cm, hdfk∫cm > hdƒkjcm, hdƒkbcm.12 Gjghƒnm ‘ﬂout’, with no augment in the present, has ﬁxed root stress in the past. The passive participle, in {-n-}, puts stress on the syllable before the [a], and since the root is non-syllabic, stress ends up on the second or only vowel of the preﬁx: jnj´hdfy ‘torn off ’, jnj´hdfyf, jnj´hdfyj, jnj´hdfyysq; é,hfy ‘cleaned up’, é,hfyf, é,hfyj, é,hfyysq. Next comes a set of heterogeneous verbs that have a hyposyllabic stem {CV-} or {CCV-} in the past-inﬁnitive. The present can have various shapes. The following subtypes can be distinguished. Corresponding to a past-inﬁnitive stem {C(C)V-}, the present has the consonant followed by some vowel and [j]: dßnm ‘howl’, dßkb, dßkf, dj´/, dj´tim (also rhßnm ‘cover’, yßnm ‘moan’, hßnm ‘dig’, vßnm ‘wash’). Similar, except for differences in vocalism, are g†nm (gj÷) ‘sing’, lénm (lé/) ‘blow’, pyƒnm (pyƒ/) ‘know’, uh†nm (uh†/) ‘warm’, gjx∫nm (gjx∫/) ‘rest’, j,énm (j,é/) ‘shoe’, ,h∫nm (,h†/) ‘shave’. Stress in the past falls on the root vowel consistently: g†kf, g†kb. A second type uses an augment [v] in the present instead of [j]: ;∫nm, ;bdé ‘live’; ckßnm, cksdé ‘be reputed’; gkßnm, gksdé ‘swim’. Stress in the past is mobile: ;bkƒ, ;∫kb. Another subtype has the augment [j] added to the present tense but with no root vowel, or {CJ-|e|}. Stress in the present is thematic by default. The past has mobile stress: g∫nm ‘drink’, gm÷, gm=im, gbkƒ, g∫kb (also d∫nm ‘wind’, k∫nm ‘pour’), with the exception of ,∫nm ‘beat’ and i∫nm ‘sew’, whose past tenses are not mobile: ,m÷, ,m=im, ,∫kf, ,∫kb. 12

Strom 1988, SRIa 1.144.

108 A Reference Grammar of Russian

Table 3.7(a) Asuffixal e-Conjugation

inf prs 1sg prs 2sg prs 3sg prs 1pl prs 2pl prs 3pl prs pcl prs dee imv 2sg imv 2pl pst msc pst fem pst nt pst pl pst pcl pst dee psv

{CV- : CVJ-|e|}

{CV- : CJ-|e|}

{F : T}

{M : T}

rhßnm rhj´/ rhj´tim rhj´tn rhj´tv rhj´tnt rhj´/n rhj´/obq rhj´z rhj´q rhj´qnt rhßk rhßkf rhßkj rhßkb rhßdibq (pf)rhßd (pf)rhßn

g†nm gj÷ gj=im gj=n gj=v gj=nt gj÷n gj÷obq --gj´q gj´qnt g†k g†kf g†kj g†kb g†dibq (c)g†d (c)g†n

;∫nm ;bdé ;bd=im ;bd=n ;bd=v ;bd=nt ;bdén ;bdéobq [? ;bdz´] ;bd∫ ;bd∫nt ;∫k ;bkƒ ;∫kj ;∫kb ;∫dibq (ghj);∫d (ghj);∫n

g∫nm gm÷ gm=im gm=n gm=v gm=nt gm÷n gm÷obq --g†q g†qnt g∫k gbkƒ g∫kj g∫kb g∫dibq (ghj)g∫d (ghj´)gbn

‘cover’

‘sing’

‘live’

‘drink’

Superﬁcially similar are verbs which have the augment [n] in the present. There are two variants. In one, the nasal (originally an inﬁx added to the present tense) appears after the root-ﬁnal vowel and the present-tense thematic vowel is added to a fully syllabic root in {CVN-}; such are l†nm ‘put’, l†ye, l†ytim; cnƒnm ‘become’, cnƒye, cnƒytim. Stress is ﬁxed on the root in the present and the past: l†nm, l†k, l†kf, l†kb; cnƒnm, cnƒk, cnƒkf, cnƒkb. In the other variant the nasal consonant appears in place of the vowel of the past-inﬁnitive (reﬂecting the historical alternation of ∗ VN in position before vowels with a nasal vowel in position before consonants): ;ƒnm ‘reap’, ;yé, ;y=im; ;ƒnm ‘squeeze’, ;vé, ;v=im; (yf)xƒnm ‘begin’, (yf)xyé, (yf)xy=im; (jn)yz´nm ‘grasp, take’, (jn)ybvé, (jn)y∫vtim (substandard variant, (jn)své, (jn)ßvtim). Stress in the present is thematic, except -yz´nm. Stress in the past is either root (;ƒnm, ;ƒk, ;ƒkf, ;ƒkb, ;ƒkj) or mobile, even going onto the preﬁx (yfxƒnm, yƒxfk, yfxfkƒ, yƒxfkb). All of the verbs in these groups that have mobile stress in the past have ﬁxed end stress in the reﬂexive counterparts of the verbs: yfxƒkcz (older yfxfkcz´), yfxfk∫cm, yfxfkj´cm, yfxfkƒcm. Rather different are: rjkj´nm ‘prick’, rjk÷, rj´ktim; vjkj´nm ‘grind’, vtk÷, v†ktim; ,jhj´nmcz ‘ﬁght with’, ,jh÷cm, ,j´htimcz; gjhj´nm ‘lash’, gjh÷, gj´htim.

Inflectional morphology 109

Table 3.7(b) Asuffixal e-Conjugation

inf prs 1sg prs 2sg prs 3sg prs 1pl prs 2pl prs 3pl prs pcl prs dee imv 2sg imv 2pl pst msc pst fem pst nt pst pl pst pcl pst dee psv

{CV- : CVN-}

{CVRV- : CVR-|e|}

{CVR(V)- : CVR-|e|}

{R : R }

{R : T }

{R : A }

{M : T }

l†nm l†ye l†ytim l†ytn l†ytv l†ytnt l†yen ----l†ym l†ymnt l†k l†kf l†kj l†kb l†dibq (hfp)l†d (hfp)l†n

;ƒnm ;vé ;v=im ;v=n ;v=v ;v=nt ;vén ;véobq [? ;vz´] ;v∫ ;v∫nt ;ƒk ;ƒkf ;ƒkj ;ƒkb ;ƒdibq (gj);ƒd (gj);ƒn

rjkj´nm rjk÷ rj´ktim rj´ktn rj´ktv rj´ktnt rj´k/n rj´k/obq rjkz´ rjk∫ rjk∫nt rjkj´k rjkj´kf rjkj´kj rjkj´kb (e)rjkj´dibq (e)rjkj´d (e)rj´kjn

nth†nm nhé nh=im nh=n nh=v nh=nt nhén nhéobq --nh∫ nh∫nt n=h nthkƒ n=hkj n=hkb (e)n=hibq (e)nth†d ∼ (e)n=hib (e)n=hn

‘place’

‘squeeze’

‘prick’

‘rub’

Stress is antethematic in the present, when the consonant adopts Cj grade even in the ﬁrst-person singular. In the past-inﬁnitive, stress is ﬁxed on the second root syllable: rjkj´k, rjkj´kf, rjkj´kb. The two transitives rjkj´nm and vjkj´nm have retracted stress in passive participles: erj´kjn, erj´kjnf, erj´kjnj, erj´kjnsq. Vth†nm ‘die’, gth†nm ‘close’, nth†nm ‘wipe’ have a non-syllabic present stem (implying thematic stress by default): vhé, vh=im. Unusually for Russian conjugations, the past stem differs from the inﬁnitive stem: gth†nm, g=h, gthkƒ, g=hkb, g=hkj; vth†nm, v=h, vthkƒ, v=hkb, v=hkj. Throughout these asufﬁxal verbs, the passive participle is generally marked by {-t-}. If the verb otherwise has root stress in the past, it has root stress in the passive participle: hfpl†nm ‘deck out’, hfpl†k, hfpl†kf, hfpl†n, hfpl†nf, hfpl†nj, hfpl†nsq; yf;ƒnm ‘squeeze’, yf;ƒk, yf;ƒkf, yf;ƒn, yf;ƒnf, yf;ƒnj, yf;ƒnsq; hfcnth†nm ‘wipe away’ (hfcn=h, hfcn=hkf), hfcn=hn, hfcn=hnf, hfcn=hnj, hfcn=hnsq; c,h∫nm ‘shave off ’ (c,h∫k, c,h∫kf), c,h∫n, c,h∫nf, c,h∫nj, c,h∫nsq; jng†nm ‘read the service over’ (jng†k, jng†kf), jng†n, jng†nf, jng†nj, jng†nsq; e,∫nm ‘kill’ (e,∫k, e,∫kf), e,∫n, e,∫nf, e,∫nj, e,∫nsq. For those asufﬁxal verbs that take {-t-}, mobile stress in the past once implied mobile stress in the participle: yfxƒnm ‘begin’ (yƒxfk, yfxfkƒ, yƒxfkj)

110

A Reference Grammar of Russian

Table 3.8 Consonant-stem e-Conjugation

inf prs 1sg prs 2sg prs 3sg prs 1pl prs 2pl prs 3pl prs pcl prs dee imv 2sg imv 2pl pst msc pst fem pst nt pst pl pst pcl pst dee psv

{CVC- : CVC-|e|}

{CVC- : CC-|e|}

{CVC- : CVC-|e|}

{E : T }

{R : T }

{E : T }

{R : R }

{E : T }

ytcn∫ ytcé ytc=im ytc=n ytc=v ytc=nt ytcén ytcéobq ytcz´ ytc∫ ytc∫nt y=c ytckƒ ytckj´ ytck∫ y=cibq (e)ytcz´ (e)ytc=y

rhƒcnm rhflé rhfl=im rhfl=n rhfl=v rhfl=nt rhflén rhfléobq rhfl∫ rhfl∫ rhfl∫nt rhƒk rhƒkf rhƒkj rhƒkb rhƒlibq (e)rhƒdib (e)rhƒlty

g†xm gtré gtx=im gtx=n gtx=v gtx=nt gtrén gtréobq --gtr∫ gtr∫nt g=r gtrkƒ gtrkj´ gtrk∫ g=ribq (bp)g=rib (bp)gtx=y

k†pnm k†pe k†ptim k†ptn k†ptv k†ptnt k†pen k†peobq k†pz k†pm k†pmnt k†p k†pkf k†pkj k†pkb k†pibq (pf)k†pib (yf)k†pty

,th†xmcz ,thtuécm ,tht;=imcz ,tht;=ncz ,tht;=vcz ,tht;=ntcz ,thtuéncz ,thtuéobqcz --,thtu∫cm ,thtu∫ntcm ,th=ucz ,thtukƒcm ,thtukj´cm ,thtuk∫cm ,th=uibqcz (e),th=uibcm ---

‘carry’

‘steal’

‘bake’

‘crawl’

‘protect’

yƒxfn, yfxfnƒ, yƒxfnj, yƒxfnsq; ghjrkz´cnm ‘curse’ (ghj´rkzk, ghjrkzkƒ, ghj´rkzkj), ghj´rkzn, ghjrkznƒ, ghj´rkznj, ghj´rkznsq; hfcg∫nm ‘drink a shared bottle’ (hfcg∫k, hfcgbkƒ, hfcg∫kj), hfcg∫n, hfcgbnƒ, hfcg∫nj, hfcg∫nsq; jn;∫nm ‘outlive one’s time’ (jn;∫k, jn;bkƒ, jn;∫kj), jn;∫n, jn;bnƒ, jn;∫nj, jn;∫nsq. These citations illustrate the point that, historically, mobile stress once meant that the stress retracted onto the preﬁx when it was not on the end (in the feminine). Stress on the preﬁx has been fading (manuals must be consulted for details), but it is still preserved in frequent verbs like yfxƒnm.13 Among asufﬁxal verbs, the largest and most homogeneous group are obstruent stems -- verbs like ytcn∫ whose stem ends in an obstruent in both subsystems. 13

To illustrate the nature of this variation using derivatives of gth†nm. The old pattern -- complete mobility in the past and the passive participle -- is preserved with pfgth†nm: pƒgth, pfgthkƒ, pƒgthkj, pƒgthn, pfgthnƒ, pƒgthnj, pƒgthnsq. In the middle, jgth†nm has eliminated preﬁxal stress, and has even begun to allow the feminine stress on the root: jg=h, jgthkƒ ∼ jg=hkf, jg=hkj; jg=hn, jgthnƒ ∼ jg=hnf, jg=hnj, jg=hnsq. Even further, gthtgth†nm has gone over to stem stress in both past and participle: gthtg=h, gthtg=hkf, gthtg=hkj; gthtg=hnf, gthtg=hnf, gthtg=hkj, gthtg=hnsq.

Inflectional morphology

In the present, the thematic ligature |e| is added directly to a stem of the shape {CVC-

}. The ﬁnal consonant is C0 in the ﬁrst singular and third plural (ytcé, ytcén; gtré, gtrén) and Ci in the middle forms (ytc=im; gtx=im). The stem of the past tense also ends (or could end) in an obstruent, and that fact occasions some collision between the ﬁnal consonant of the stem and the consonants of the past tense and the inﬁnitive. The collision is resolved in different ways. (a) Verbs whose present stem ends in a D E N T A L S T O P lose the stop throughout the past, and have an inﬁnitive in -cn∫: dtcn∫ ‘lead’ (dtlé, dtl=im, d=k, dtkƒ); vtcn∫ ‘sweep’ (vtné, vtn=im, v=k, vtkƒ); gktcn∫ ‘weave’ (gktné, gktn=im, gk=k, gktkƒ); uytcn∫ ‘oppress’ (uytné, [no past]); ,htcn∫ ‘wander’ (,htlé, ,htl=im, ,h=k, ,htkƒ); ,k/cn∫ ‘watch’ (,k/lé, ,k/l=im, ,k÷k, ,k/kƒ); uhzcn∫ ‘come’ (3sg uhzl=n, [no past]). (b) Verbs whose present stem ends in a L A B I A L S T O P keep the stop and lose the {-l-} in the masculine singular past, and have an inﬁnitive in -cn∫: crhtcn∫ ‘scrape’ (crht,é, crht,=im, crh=,, crht,kƒ); uhtcn∫ ‘row’ (uht,é, uht,=im, uh=,, uht,kƒ). (c) Verbs ending in a V E L A R S T O P keep that consonant and lose the msc sg {-l-} of the past, and have an inﬁnitive in --xm: dk†xm ‘draw’ (dktré, dktx=im, dk=r, dktrkƒ); n†xm ‘ﬂow’ (ntré, ntx=im, n=r, ntrkƒ); (yf)h†xm ‘speak’ (-htré, -htx=im, -h=r, -htrkƒ); ghtyt,h†xm ‘ignore’ (ghtyt,htué, ghtyt,ht;=im, ghtyt,h=u, ghtyt,htukƒ); ,th†xm ‘take care of’ (,thtué, ,tht;=im, ,th=u, ,thtukƒ); cnth†xm ‘guard’ (cnthtué, cntht;=im, cnth=u, cnthtukƒ); njkj´xm ‘pound’ (njkré, njkx=im, njkj´r, njkrkƒ); (pf)ghz´xm ‘harness’ (pfghzué, pfghz;=im, pfghz´u, pfghzukƒ). (d) Verbs ending in a D E N T A L F R I C A T I V E keep that consonant and lose the msc sg {-l-} of the past, and have an inﬁnitive -n∫ added to the fricative (a voiced fricative letter is kept in spelling): dtpn∫ ‘convey’ (dtpé, dtp=im, d=p, dtpkƒ); gjkpn∫ ‘crawl’ (gjkpé, gjkp=im, gj´kp, gjkpkƒ); nhzcn∫ ‘shake’ (nhzcé, nhzc=im, nhz´c, nhzckƒ); gfcn∫ ‘tend’ (gfcé, gfc=im, gƒc, gfckƒ). Hfcn∫ ‘grow’ (hfcné, hfcn=im, hj´c, hjckƒ) combines the loss of the dental stop and the loss of msc sg {-l-}. Exceptional vowel alternations reﬂecting old nasal inﬁxes occur in k†xm ‘lie’ (kz´ue, kz´;tim, k=u, ktukƒ); c†cnm ‘sit’ (cz´le, cz´ltim, c†k, c†kf). (Ghj-)xtcnm ‘read’ (ghjxné, ghjxn=im, ghjx=k, ghjxkƒ) and ;†xm ‘burn’ (;ué, ;;=im, ;=u, ;ukƒ) have null grade and stress on endings in both the present and the past. In stress, the predominant pattern is {E : T}, or thematic stress in the present, end stress in the past (though not in the masculine singular). End stress in the past also implies the unusual end stress in the inﬁnitive as well (ytcn∫), except in velar stems. Root or mobile stress in the past precludes end stress in the inﬁnitive. Other stress patterns are possible, for individual verbs or small groups of verbs. Rkz´cnm ‘swear’ has {M : T}, or thematic stress in the present (rkzyé, rkzy=im) and mobile stress in the past (rkzkƒ, rkz´kb). C†cnm ‘sit’ (cz´le, c†kf), k†pnm ‘climb’ (k†pe, k†ptim, k†p, k†pkf), jnd†hpnm ‘open’ (archaic) have consistent

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root stress: {R : R}. (In recent times c†xm ‘hack’, originally {R : T}, has been shifting to the productive stress pattern in the past: c†r, c†rkf, c†rkb > c=r, ctrkƒ, ctrk∫.) For other verbs the stress pattern is {R : T }: uhßpnm ‘gnaw’ (uhspé, uhsp=im, uhßp, uhßpkf); rhƒcnm ‘steal’ (rhflé, rhfl=im, rhƒk, rhƒkf); rkƒcnm ‘place’ (rkflé, rkfl=im, rkƒk, rkƒkf); gƒcnm ‘fall’ (gflé, gfl=im, gƒk, gƒkf) and (j-)cnh∫xm ‘shear’ (jcnhbué, jcnhb;=im, jcnh∫u, jnch∫ukf). Ghz´cnm ‘spin’ has thematic stress in the present (ghzlé, ghzl=im) and variation in the past: like uhßpnm, stem stress (ghz´kf, implying reﬂexive ghz´kfcm, etc.) or, like rkz´cnm, mobile past (ghzkƒ, ghz´kj, implying end stress in the reﬂexives ghzkƒcm, ghzkj´cm). Vj´xm ‘be able, possible’ is a unique verb with {E : A}: vjué, vj´;tim, vjukƒ, vjuk∫. In obstruent stems with end stress in the past, the passive participle has the sufﬁx {-on-}, with stress on the ending in the short forms (eytcn∫ ‘carry off ’, ey=c, eytckƒ, eytckj´ implies eytc=y, eytctyƒ, eytctyj´) and on the participial sufﬁx in the long form (eytc=yysq). Stress stays on the root in the participle if the past is root-stressed: pfuhßpnm ‘chew up’, pfuhßpkf, pfuhßpty, pfuhßptyf, pfuhßptyj, pfuhßptyysq.

3.2.7 Stress in verbs: retrospective The stress of verbs has to be learned, class by class and, in the smaller, less productive, archaic classes, verb by verb. Yet some broad generalizations can be discerned. Verb classes can be divided into four large sets. The ﬁrst set consists of verbs with a conjugational sufﬁx that is syllabic in both the past-inﬁnitive and the present. Verbs in these classes allow only two stress patterns: {R : R} (nh†,jdfnm, nh†,jdfk : nh†,e/, nh†,etim) and {F : F} (rjkljdƒnm, rjkljdƒk : rjklé/, rjklétim). This limitation suggests that roots and sufﬁxes are heavy. If either the root or sufﬁx receives stress, stress remains there in both subsystems. Furthermore, stress can never go further towards the end of the word than a syllabic sufﬁx. The second set consists of verbs with an identiﬁable, syllabic sufﬁx in the pastinﬁnitive, but no sufﬁx, or a sufﬁx that is not syllabic, in the present subsystem. There are three possibilities: {R : R}, {F : T}, {F : A}. The three patterns show again that, in the past-inﬁnitive, stress cannot go further towards the ending beyond an overt and syllabic sufﬁx. But in the present, where the sufﬁx is missing (or lacks a vowel), it is possible to put stress on the syllable preceding the thematic vowel: {F : A}, 1sg gbié, 2sg g∫itim. That means that mobile stress in the present is possible only for those verb classes that lose the sufﬁx in the present. The third set is the array of heterogeneous verbs that have no conjugational sufﬁx and stem shapes that do not remain stable between the past-inﬁnitive and present subsystems. Some of these verbs have {R : R} stress, like dßnm, dj´/, or

Inflectional morphology

{R : T} stress, a minor variant that occurs by default when the present stem lacks a vowel, such as i∫nm, i∫kf, i∫kb, im÷, im=im. Interestingly, these verbs with stems that are minimal (“hyposyllabic”) or inconsistent over the two subsystems allow mobile stress in the past (along with thematic stress in the present), or {M : T}: g∫nm, gbkƒ, g∫kb; ,hƒnm, ,hfkƒ, ,hƒkb (gm÷, gm=im; ,thé, ,th=im). In fact, mobile stress in the past occurs only with such verbs. The fourth group is the consonant-stem verbs like ytcn∫, g†xm, which have the same, stable, canonical root structure {CVC-} in both subsystems. These verbs have a variety of stress patterns, but the most frequent is {E : T}, or end stress in the past (y=c, ytckƒ, ytck∫) correlated with thematic stress in the present (ytcé, ytc=im). It is as if the stable structure requires stability in the placement of stress (rather than mobility) and the absence of an intervening sufﬁx encourages the stress to go beyond the root out onto the endings. Thus, roots and sufﬁxes are heavy and hold stress towards the front of the word. Absence of a sufﬁx encourages stress after the stem. Mobility, in either past or present, is tolerated by those verb classes in which there is instability in the stem shape between the two subsystems. In the passive participle, root stress occurs when other forms have root stress. Mobile stress occurs if the participle is {-t-} and if the verb has mobile stress in the past: yƒxfn, yfxfnƒ, yƒxfnj. End stress occurs in some verb classes that add the sufﬁx {-on-}, namely {CVC-i : CVC-|i|} and consonant stems ({CVC- : CVC-|e|}): hfpuhjvk=y, eytc=y, provided stress is thematic in the present. Otherwise, the productive stress pattern is stress on the syllable preceding the sufﬁx: yfg∫cfy, jnj´hdfy, el†h;fy, hfccvj´nhty ‘examined’, jnk=;fy ‘rested’, yfnz´yen ‘stretched’, jnnj´kryen ‘pushed away’, erj´kjn ‘punctured’.

3.2.8 Irregularities in conjugation Irregularities and exceptions of conjugation are limited in Russian. The most archaic and irregular verbs are †cnm ‘eat’ and lƒnm ‘give’. The ancient athematic ending is preserved in the ﬁrst-person singular, and the other two forms of the singular are unusual: †v, †im, †cn; lƒv, lƒim, lƒcn. The plural is built on a more recognizable stem. Lƒnm follows the i-Conjugation in the ﬁrstand second-person plural, but not in the third plural (lfl∫v, lfl∫nt, but lflén), while †cnm follows the i-Conjugation throughout the plural (tl∫v, tl∫nt, tlz´n). The past-tense forms are regular. <ßnm uses a different stem for the past and future (and no stem in the present), but the individual forms are not irregular. The past exhibits consistent mobility: ,ßk, ,skƒ, ,ßkj, ,ßkb, and in the negative, y† ,sk, yt ,skƒ, y† ,skj, y† ,skb. The conjugation of the future is regular if it is taken to be a consonant stem: 1sg ,éle, 2sg ,éltim, 3sg ,éltn, 1pl ,éltv, 2pl ,éltnt, 3pl ,élen.

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Table 3.9 Conjugation classes and secondary imperfectives perfective perfective past-infinitive present

imperfective (present)

{CVC-i-}

{CVCj -aj-|e|}

{CVC-|i|}

{CVC(j )-ivaj-|e|}

{CC-i-}

{CC-|i|}

{CC-e-vaj-|e|}

{CVC-e-}

{CVC-|i|}

{CVCj -ivaj-|e|}

ˇ -a-} {CVC

ˇ -|i|} {CVC

ˇ -ivaj-|e|} {CVC

{CVC-a-}

{CVC-aj-|e|}

{CVC0 -ivaj-|e|}

{CVC-e-} {CVC-ova-}

{CVC-ej-|e|} {CVC-e-vaj-|e|} {CVC-uj-|e|-} {CVC-ov-ivaj-|e|}

{CVC-nu-} {CVC-a-}

{CVC-n-|e|} {CVCj -|e|}

{CVC0 -ivaj-|e|} {CVC0 -ivaj-|e|} ∼ {CVC0 -ƒj-|e|})

{CVC-a-}

{CVC-|e|}

{CVC0 -ivaj-|e|}

{CCa-} {CCa-}

{CC-|e|} {CVC-|e|}

{CV∞ C0 -ivaj-|e|} {CV∞ C0 -ivaj-|e|}

{CVJa-}

{CVJ-|e|}

{CVJ-ivaj-|e|}

{CVJa-}

{CVJ-|e|}

{CVC0 -ivaj-|e|}

{CV-} {CV-} {CV-}

{CVJ-|e|} {CVJ-|e|} {CJ-|e|}

{CV-vaj-|e|} {CV-vaj-|e|} {CV-vaj-|e|}

infinitive jcel∫nm/jce;lƒnm ‘judge’, pfv†nbnm/pfvtxƒnm ‘notice’, hfpuhep∫nm/hfpuhe;ƒnm ‘unload’, gjlwtg∫nm/gjlwtgkz´nm ‘hook up’ pfujnj´dbnm/pfujnjdkz´nm (pfujnƒdkbdfnm) ‘stock up’, jcvßckbnm/jcvsckz´nm ∼ jcvßckbdfnm ‘conceptualize’, gjlvty∫nm/gjlv†ybdfnm ‘substitute’, gjl[dfn∫nm/gjl[dƒnsdfnm ‘grab hold of ’, ecnhj´bnm/ecnhƒbdfnm ‘arrange’ pfnv∫nm/pfnvtdƒnm ‘eclipse’, ghjlk∫nm/ghjlktdƒnm ‘prolong’ hfccvjnh†nm/hfccvƒnhbdfnm ‘examine’, jncbl†nm/jnc∫;bdfnm ‘sit out’ evjkxƒnm/evƒkxbdfnm ‘keep silent about’, ghjkt;ƒnm/ghjk=;bdfnm ‘spend time lying’ jnl†kfnm/jnl†ksdfnm ‘trim’, gtht,hjcƒnm/gtht,hƒcsdfnm ‘throw repeatedly’ pf,jk†nm/pf,jktdƒnm ‘fall ill’ egfrjdƒnm/egfrj´dsdfnm ‘pack up’, jnabkmnhjdƒnm/jnabkmnhj´dsdfnm ‘ﬁlter out’ pf[kj´gyenm/pf[kj´gsdfnm ‘clap’ jgbcƒnm/jg∫csdfnm ‘write’, pfdzpƒnm/pfdz´psdfnm ‘bind’, jnh†pfnm/jnhtpƒnm ‘cut off ’ dßcjcfnm/dscƒcsdfnm ‘suck out’ dß;lfnm/ds;∫lfnm ‘wait out’ e,hƒnm/e,bhƒnm ‘clean up’, gjljpdƒnm/gjlpsdƒnm ‘call up’ jnc†znm/jnc†bdfnm ‘screen out’, jnnƒznm/jnnƒbdfnm ‘thaw out’ bcrktdƒnm/bcrk=dsdfnm ‘peck thoroughly’, jngktdƒnm/jngk=dsdfnm ‘spit out’ yf;∫nm/yf;bdƒnm ‘acquire’ pfrhßnm/pfrhsdƒnm ‘close’ dsg∫nm/dsgbdƒnm ‘drink down’

Inflectional morphology

Table 3.9 (cont.) perfective perfective past-infinitive present

imperfective (present)

{CV-} {CV-} {CVRV-} {CVR(V)-}

{CVN-|e|} {CN-|e|} {CVR-|e|} {CR-|e|}

{CV-vaj-|e|} {CV∞ N-aj-|e|} {CVR0 -ivaj-|e|} {CV∞ C0 -ivaj-|e|}

{CVC-}

{CVC-aj-|e|} {CVC-aj-|e|}

infinitive pfl†nm/pfltdƒnm ‘shove off ’ dß;fnm/ds;bvƒnm ‘squeeze out’ yfrjkj´nm/yfrƒksdfnm ‘puncture multiply’ evth†nm/evbhƒnm ‘die’, pfgth†nm/pfgbhƒnm ‘lock’ yfgktcn∫/yfgktnƒnm ‘weave in quantity’, yfghz´xm/yfghzuƒnm ‘tense up’

∞ = alternation of vowel grades null∼{i} in root {. . . -ivaj-|e|} = boldface indicates imperfectivizing sufﬁx (present tense)

A very small number of irregularities involves unusual pairings of allostems or occasionally, sub-allostems. Cgƒnm and uyƒnm have a past-inﬁnitive stem in {CCa-}, and they have the mobile past-tense stress typical of such verbs: cgƒnm ‘sleep’, cgƒk, cgfkƒ, cgƒkb, cgƒkj; uyƒnm ‘pursue’, uyƒk, uyfkƒ, uyƒkb, uyƒkj. The present tense of these verbs switches to i-Conjugation: cgk÷, cg∫im; ujy÷, uj´ybim. The unusual verb pß,bnmcz ‘surge’ should belong to the i-Conjugation, to judge by its inﬁnitive, but forms its preferred present in |e|, with Cj : pß,ktncz. Eib,∫nm ‘bruise’, on the basis of its inﬁnitive and participles (eib,∫dibq, ei∫,ktyysq), implies a stem {CVC-i} of the i-Conjugation, but it behaves like an obstruent stem with {CVC-|e|} in the present (eib,é, eib,=im) and past (ei∫,, ei∫,kf). J,z´psdfnm ‘obligate’ conjugates either as expected {CVC-aj-|e|} (j,z´psdftim) or as unexpected {CVC-uj-|e|} (j,z´petimcz).

3.2.9 Secondary imperfectivization While derivational processes in general are not treated here, it is nevertheless useful to illustrate the patterns of sufﬁxation used to make secondary imperfectives from preﬁxed perfectives (see Table 3.9, following the verb classes of Table 3.3). There are different sufﬁxes. All imperfectivizing sufﬁxes put the resulting verbs in the class of {-a- : -aj-|e|}.

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Simplest and oldest is plain {-a- : -aj-|e|}, which was used in the oldest layer of derivation, old unpreﬁxed pairs (kbi∫nm/kbiƒnm ‘deprive’; hti∫nm/htiƒnm ‘decide’, ,hj´cbnm/,hjcƒnm ‘throw’). It is still used with many i-Conjugation verbs, with which it now implies Cj (-ghƒdbnm/-ghfdkz´nm ‘direct’). For this class of verbs, this older option is in competition with the more recent and productive strategy (see below). This sufﬁx, with C0 , is used by obstruent stems (-g†xm/-gtrƒnm ‘bake’; -;ƒnm/-;bvƒnm ‘squeeze’). A variant with a preceding [v] -- that is, {-va- : -vaj-|e|} -- is used when the perfective stem ends in a vowel: with {CVC-e- : CVC-ej-|e|} (-gjn†nm/-gjntdƒnm) and with asufﬁxal verbs (-,∫nm/-,bdƒnm; -lénm/-ledƒnm; -lƒnm/-lfdƒnm). A variant is {CC-eva- : CC-evaj-|e|}, for the few roots of the shape {CC-i- : CC-|i|}: pfnv∫nm/ pfnvtdƒnm ‘eclipse’. The newest and most productive strategy, which yields derived verbs of the type {-iva- : -ivaj-|e|}, is applied to: i-Conjugation verbs (-vjkjn∫nm/-vjkƒxbdfnm ‘thresh’), with a vowel alternation and (usually) Cj grade in the root-ﬁnal consonant; verbs of the type {CVC-a- : CVCj -|e|}, with C0 maintained (-gbcƒnm/-g∫csdfnm ‘write’); verbs of the type {CVC-a- : CVC-aj-|e|}, with C0 maintained (-l†kfnm/ -l†ksdfnm ‘do); and perhaps semelfactives of the form {CVC-nu- : CVC-n-|e|} ([kj´gyenm/-[kj´gsdfnm ‘clap’). In these cases the original conjugational sufﬁx disappears (although with {CVC-i : CVC-|i|} the sufﬁx leaves a trace in the mutation to Cj ). This sufﬁx is applied to {CVC-ovƒ- : CVC-új-|e|} verbs, when it gives {-ov ⁄ -iva- : -ov ⁄ -ivaj-|e|} (-njhujdƒnm/-njhuj´dsdfnm ‘trade’). In this instance, the original conjugational sufﬁx remains.

3.3 Declension of pronouns 3.3.1 Personal pronouns The declension of personal pronouns (ﬁrst, second, and reﬂexive) and of interrogative pronouns is idiosyncratic in various respects (see Table 3.10). The reﬂexive pronoun declines like the second singular pronoun, except for the fact that it does not have a nominative form. All personal pronouns and the animate interrogative rnj´ use the genitive form for the accusative (§§3.6.1, 4.1.6); the inanimate interrogative xnj´ does not. The instrumentals vyj´q, nj,j´q, cj,j´q allow a variant with {-u} (vyj´/, etc.) in the formal register, if the pronoun is prosodically autonomous, for example as a predicate argument ([3]) or the agent of a passive ([4]): [3]

Crerf dct ,jkmit jdkfltdfkf vyj/

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